Blog entries 25 to 27 are not written by me and blog 24 was not written by me either. Just the translation. I posted them because I think some people would rather listen to the ordinary common and personal in a blog rather than clicking on a news link.
Stay tuned.
Friday, December 17, 2010
Thursday, December 16, 2010
Twenty Seven: Read it and Smile
Danish police have been ordered to pay tens of thousands of pounds compensation to hundreds of climate protesters, after a court ruling today. The unprecedented ruling coincides with the release of an audio recording from the policing of a protest outside the UN climate talks in Copenhagen last December, which allegedly shows Danish police ordering officers to beat activists and journalists.
A year to the day after the Reclaim Power protest outside the Bella Centre, where the talks were being held, a Danish judge called "illegal" the actions of police – who pre-emptively arrested nearly 2,000 people during the summit – and ordered them to pay £500-£1,000 to 200 protesters. They may have to compensate a further 800 , meaingthe final bill for the police could potentially run to £1m.
The lawyer Christian Dahlager, part of the team who brought 200 of the complaints to court, said: "The other people who formally complained may well have cases for compensation."
This is the biggest verdict of its kind ever in Denmark, he believes. "In the past we have had cases like this of just a couple of people and the police are only ordered to pay a couple of hundred pounds. But this is a turning point for Denmark. We've been travelling down a certain road for a long time and now finally the courts have stepped in and said that the police have gone too far."
The verdict has coincided with the release of a film through the national Danish broadcaster which contains a police radio transmission that appears to include orders to hit protestors and media. According to a translation posted on activist website Climate Collective, the officer speaking tells his men "I want to see that stick in use," and adds: "There are media between the cars. They will get the same fucking treatment. Now's the time to fight."
The verdict and the film have electrified Denmark. The minister of jjustice, Lars Barfoed has issued a statement promising to look into the issue, and has been questioned about it by the political opposition, with Line Bafod of the Red-Greens saying: "It is completely unacceptable for a senior police officer to urge violence against journalists on the job. This does not belong in a democratic society."
The president of the Danish Union of Journalists, Mogens Blicher Bjerregård, said it is "appalling that an incident commander can give such orders. It becomes very dangerous for journalists to do their job."
"It feels as if we're finally beginning to get to the truth of what happened last year," said Helen Medden, one of the two film-makers of a documentary called Climate Crime. "I started to make the film as a positive one about young Danish people campaigning about the climate, but halfway through it turned into something completely different, and became a film about police behaviour."
The Guardian has been unable to reach the Danish police for comment on the trial, but the Copenhagen police director, Johan Reimann, said: "When the media chooses to mingle with demonstrators, we are not able to differentiate precisely ... But when the media identifies itself with a press card, we of course respect that." Asked if he thought the language used by his officer was too "bombastic", he replied: "When you are out there on the edge, the language used is different than when you are just standing there and having a chat."
The police are appealing against the ruling.
A year to the day after the Reclaim Power protest outside the Bella Centre, where the talks were being held, a Danish judge called "illegal" the actions of police – who pre-emptively arrested nearly 2,000 people during the summit – and ordered them to pay £500-£1,000 to 200 protesters. They may have to compensate a further 800 , meaingthe final bill for the police could potentially run to £1m.
The lawyer Christian Dahlager, part of the team who brought 200 of the complaints to court, said: "The other people who formally complained may well have cases for compensation."
This is the biggest verdict of its kind ever in Denmark, he believes. "In the past we have had cases like this of just a couple of people and the police are only ordered to pay a couple of hundred pounds. But this is a turning point for Denmark. We've been travelling down a certain road for a long time and now finally the courts have stepped in and said that the police have gone too far."
The verdict has coincided with the release of a film through the national Danish broadcaster which contains a police radio transmission that appears to include orders to hit protestors and media. According to a translation posted on activist website Climate Collective, the officer speaking tells his men "I want to see that stick in use," and adds: "There are media between the cars. They will get the same fucking treatment. Now's the time to fight."
The verdict and the film have electrified Denmark. The minister of jjustice, Lars Barfoed has issued a statement promising to look into the issue, and has been questioned about it by the political opposition, with Line Bafod of the Red-Greens saying: "It is completely unacceptable for a senior police officer to urge violence against journalists on the job. This does not belong in a democratic society."
The president of the Danish Union of Journalists, Mogens Blicher Bjerregård, said it is "appalling that an incident commander can give such orders. It becomes very dangerous for journalists to do their job."
"It feels as if we're finally beginning to get to the truth of what happened last year," said Helen Medden, one of the two film-makers of a documentary called Climate Crime. "I started to make the film as a positive one about young Danish people campaigning about the climate, but halfway through it turned into something completely different, and became a film about police behaviour."
The Guardian has been unable to reach the Danish police for comment on the trial, but the Copenhagen police director, Johan Reimann, said: "When the media chooses to mingle with demonstrators, we are not able to differentiate precisely ... But when the media identifies itself with a press card, we of course respect that." Asked if he thought the language used by his officer was too "bombastic", he replied: "When you are out there on the edge, the language used is different than when you are just standing there and having a chat."
The police are appealing against the ruling.
Twenty Six EMERGENCY
A report on the Portuguese General Strike of November 24th
This is the first general strike in Portugal for the last 22 years and that alone should shed some light over the social situation in this country. In fact, social conflictuality in Portugal is quite low and the number of strikes has actually been falling for the past thirty years, despite the continuously worsening situation of the Portuguese working class. Unionization rates tend to fall as well, as the two large Portuguese party-run Trade Unions serve more to appease and stall conflicts than to fight exploitation and that hasn't gone unnoticed.
Portuguese society has gone trough considerable changes for the past half-century, going from a rapid industrialization starting in the 1960's, fueled mostly by the influx of foreign capital, from which a more combative and organized working-class would emerge, to an equally rapid de-industrialization, as cheaper sources of labor-force would be found in Eastern Europe and Asia. Portuguese economy nowadays is dominated by small, inefficient services companies, where workers have become more isolated from one another, have less traditions of struggle, are generally on precarious terms, and are paid those miserable wages that make possible for such companies to survive. The whole system has been in an acute state of crisis for the past 10 years and workers have been its first victims.
After having fought so hard to demobilize workers in the 1970's, when the fall of the Caetano dictatorship was followed by a period of mass working-class direct action we use to call PREC, the left is starting to realize the consequences of having been too successful, as there is no one left to fight over the scraps of Social State that have survived the continuous bourgeois violent attack, but reengaging the masses and starting a real fight is too dangerous for them, as they fear things may easily get out of their hands. Hence, their struggle is always carried out in a deliberately limited and ineffective way. Like one-day strikes.
This time, the socialist-run UGT trade-union joined the strike, though they feel there is not much to be done, since their party is already in government, and simply intend to beg something from the State, so all the necessary «sacrifices» to appease the international finance speculating against the Portuguese debt are not put exclusively over the shoulders of the Portuguese working class. It's not even necessary to say that their voices will not reach the heights of the ministerial cabinets, not even the one belonging to Helena André, current Minister of Labor and former UGT bureaucrat, now tasked with the ungrateful duty of disputing strike figures with her former comrades. As for the other trade-union, the communist-run CGTP, it intends to capitalize over popular discontentment and echo the Communist Party's slogans, for the day of presidential elections is nearing by and PCP has a candidate of its own, in defense of «national production». Needless to say, they will get very few out of this. People have seen them in action too many times to continue believing in them.
As reasons for discontentment abound and people actually want to do something, this strike would in fact be larger than the previous one, back in 1988. For a day, there was no subway in Lisbon, nor boats from the South Bank of the Tagus to Lisbon. Most bus and train services were also halted. All Portuguese ports were closed, and flights to and from the Portuguese airports had to be canceled, much to displeasure of the government, who had pressed the airport workers not to strike. Schools were generally closed and so were most public services, despite the pressure from their administrations to keep them open. In the textiles industry, where unions used to have some influence, strike figures were lower, but the crown jewel of the Portuguese industry, the French-German owned car plant Auto Europa, joined the strike and halted production for the day. Even such a business-friendly apparatchick like António Chora, affiliated to the Left Block and the head of the workers' commission, felt he should join in. The services sector, were precarious work is common, was the least affected one. Most stores, supermarkets and shopping malls continued open, and only the lack of available transportation would do something to keep customers away from them. Needless to say, most – if not all - call centers also remained open and functioning normally. We would pay some of them a little visit.
Even if the strike was big, the figures advanced by CGTP and immediately echoed by the Communist Party – 3 million workers joining in – are a gross exaggeration. In Portugal, where the active population is little more than five million, two workers out of five are on a temporary contract, and you still have to add to that figure almost a million of fake independent workers. They couldn't join the strike, for fearing they would be risking their job, even if they have more than enough reasons to protest.
Actions in Lisbon
We must say that the reception to our actions, both before and during the strike, was quite good. We issued a special bulletin dedicated to the General Strike and distributed it in the week before the strike. Most people seemed interested, and some even asked us for extra copies in order to spread them out themselves.
In the day of the strike we organized an informative picket together with other anarchist comrades. During the morning we walked trough Lisbon distributing our General Strike bulletin and other leaflets. We entered several shops, restaurants, supermarkets and shopping centres which were open, distributing our propaganda to the workers. Many of these workers were quite glad to receive the leaflets and told us that they couldn't join the strike, because they would be fired. We paid a visit to some call centres, where we read out our texts using a loudspeaker and called for participation in the anti-capitalist demonstration in the afternoon.
After lunch, we continued handing out leaflets and calling people to the demonstration all the way to Camões Square, where it would start.
Several anti-capitalist and anti-authoritarian collectives had called for an anti-capitalist demonstration at 3 pm in Camões Square (in the centre of Lisbon) under the theme "For blockage and sabotage - The strike doesn't stop here". This was the only demonstration being called for the day of the General Strike in Lisbon. There were only about 200 people when we got to Camões Square, but the demonstration would grow into a mass of 1000-1500 persons shouting slogans like "A..., Anti..., Anti-Capitalists", "The people, united, need no party", "Social war against Capital" or "Sabotage, Wildcat Strike", marching through downtown Lisbon. We joined in with red-and-black flags and a banner reading "Against capitalist exploitation! For social equality! United and self-organized we'll show them the 'crisis'!", handing out the few leaflets we still had.
After the demonstration, some people squatted an empty building naming it "House of the Striker", giving a free meal to all the people that went there. This squat was evicted by the police the day after.
Actions in Oporto
During the morning of the General Strike, we went trough the old and impoverished quarters of Oporto, with flags, drums and a red-and-black banner reading "United and self-organized, we'll show THEM the 'crisis'!", with comrades from the anarchist collective Hipátia. We handed out leaflets and read them with a loudspeaker at different places, calling people to the streets and to the central square, where a meeting organized by the official unions would take place in the afternoon. We also shouted slogans like "No cuts at social and labour rights!", "Against hunger and poverty, cut on the wealthy!", "To change the flies isn't enough, we must clean all the shit!", "Against the State and Capital - Social Resistance and Social Revolution!". People received our leaflets with curiosity, but most of them stayed at home and didn't join us.
In the afternoon, with a larger group, we went beside the São Bento railway station. Meantime, the official unions were having a press conference nearby. We began to sing some songs, like a Portuguese version of the old CNT song "A la Huelga" ("To the Strike"), "The International" and others, stopping to read some articles from our special General Strike bulletin and speaking about the need to self-organize against the bosses, the State and the "crisis". More people joined us and, afterwards, we went to the city's central square, Praça da Liberdade, were we continued reading our anarcho-sindycalist propaganda and singing, being joined by the people there.
We noticed that most people approaching us were either Communist Party members or sympathizers but they seemed curious about us and even demonstrated some sympathy. So, we decided to make a little popular assembly there, inviting everyone to use the loudspeaker and talk about their reasons to be revolted against the current situation and join the General Strike. Then, some people, that we assumed to be Communist Party members, started using their own loudspeaker, but we established a funny dialog with them, a kind of "theatre of the oppressed". They became a bit confused and left the place.
All that time, we didn't see any cops or "official" unionists at this place. Even the expected usual demonstration didn't take place. Surely, this was not a real General Strike, but it was an obvious demonstration of distrust in the government, State, bosses and managers to deal with the "crisis" they insist on making us pay for.
Associação Internacional dos Trabalhadores,
Secção Portuguesa – AIT-SP
Lisbon, December 14, 2010
This is the first general strike in Portugal for the last 22 years and that alone should shed some light over the social situation in this country. In fact, social conflictuality in Portugal is quite low and the number of strikes has actually been falling for the past thirty years, despite the continuously worsening situation of the Portuguese working class. Unionization rates tend to fall as well, as the two large Portuguese party-run Trade Unions serve more to appease and stall conflicts than to fight exploitation and that hasn't gone unnoticed.
Portuguese society has gone trough considerable changes for the past half-century, going from a rapid industrialization starting in the 1960's, fueled mostly by the influx of foreign capital, from which a more combative and organized working-class would emerge, to an equally rapid de-industrialization, as cheaper sources of labor-force would be found in Eastern Europe and Asia. Portuguese economy nowadays is dominated by small, inefficient services companies, where workers have become more isolated from one another, have less traditions of struggle, are generally on precarious terms, and are paid those miserable wages that make possible for such companies to survive. The whole system has been in an acute state of crisis for the past 10 years and workers have been its first victims.
After having fought so hard to demobilize workers in the 1970's, when the fall of the Caetano dictatorship was followed by a period of mass working-class direct action we use to call PREC, the left is starting to realize the consequences of having been too successful, as there is no one left to fight over the scraps of Social State that have survived the continuous bourgeois violent attack, but reengaging the masses and starting a real fight is too dangerous for them, as they fear things may easily get out of their hands. Hence, their struggle is always carried out in a deliberately limited and ineffective way. Like one-day strikes.
This time, the socialist-run UGT trade-union joined the strike, though they feel there is not much to be done, since their party is already in government, and simply intend to beg something from the State, so all the necessary «sacrifices» to appease the international finance speculating against the Portuguese debt are not put exclusively over the shoulders of the Portuguese working class. It's not even necessary to say that their voices will not reach the heights of the ministerial cabinets, not even the one belonging to Helena André, current Minister of Labor and former UGT bureaucrat, now tasked with the ungrateful duty of disputing strike figures with her former comrades. As for the other trade-union, the communist-run CGTP, it intends to capitalize over popular discontentment and echo the Communist Party's slogans, for the day of presidential elections is nearing by and PCP has a candidate of its own, in defense of «national production». Needless to say, they will get very few out of this. People have seen them in action too many times to continue believing in them.
As reasons for discontentment abound and people actually want to do something, this strike would in fact be larger than the previous one, back in 1988. For a day, there was no subway in Lisbon, nor boats from the South Bank of the Tagus to Lisbon. Most bus and train services were also halted. All Portuguese ports were closed, and flights to and from the Portuguese airports had to be canceled, much to displeasure of the government, who had pressed the airport workers not to strike. Schools were generally closed and so were most public services, despite the pressure from their administrations to keep them open. In the textiles industry, where unions used to have some influence, strike figures were lower, but the crown jewel of the Portuguese industry, the French-German owned car plant Auto Europa, joined the strike and halted production for the day. Even such a business-friendly apparatchick like António Chora, affiliated to the Left Block and the head of the workers' commission, felt he should join in. The services sector, were precarious work is common, was the least affected one. Most stores, supermarkets and shopping malls continued open, and only the lack of available transportation would do something to keep customers away from them. Needless to say, most – if not all - call centers also remained open and functioning normally. We would pay some of them a little visit.
Even if the strike was big, the figures advanced by CGTP and immediately echoed by the Communist Party – 3 million workers joining in – are a gross exaggeration. In Portugal, where the active population is little more than five million, two workers out of five are on a temporary contract, and you still have to add to that figure almost a million of fake independent workers. They couldn't join the strike, for fearing they would be risking their job, even if they have more than enough reasons to protest.
Actions in Lisbon
We must say that the reception to our actions, both before and during the strike, was quite good. We issued a special bulletin dedicated to the General Strike and distributed it in the week before the strike. Most people seemed interested, and some even asked us for extra copies in order to spread them out themselves.
In the day of the strike we organized an informative picket together with other anarchist comrades. During the morning we walked trough Lisbon distributing our General Strike bulletin and other leaflets. We entered several shops, restaurants, supermarkets and shopping centres which were open, distributing our propaganda to the workers. Many of these workers were quite glad to receive the leaflets and told us that they couldn't join the strike, because they would be fired. We paid a visit to some call centres, where we read out our texts using a loudspeaker and called for participation in the anti-capitalist demonstration in the afternoon.
After lunch, we continued handing out leaflets and calling people to the demonstration all the way to Camões Square, where it would start.
Several anti-capitalist and anti-authoritarian collectives had called for an anti-capitalist demonstration at 3 pm in Camões Square (in the centre of Lisbon) under the theme "For blockage and sabotage - The strike doesn't stop here". This was the only demonstration being called for the day of the General Strike in Lisbon. There were only about 200 people when we got to Camões Square, but the demonstration would grow into a mass of 1000-1500 persons shouting slogans like "A..., Anti..., Anti-Capitalists", "The people, united, need no party", "Social war against Capital" or "Sabotage, Wildcat Strike", marching through downtown Lisbon. We joined in with red-and-black flags and a banner reading "Against capitalist exploitation! For social equality! United and self-organized we'll show them the 'crisis'!", handing out the few leaflets we still had.
After the demonstration, some people squatted an empty building naming it "House of the Striker", giving a free meal to all the people that went there. This squat was evicted by the police the day after.
Actions in Oporto
During the morning of the General Strike, we went trough the old and impoverished quarters of Oporto, with flags, drums and a red-and-black banner reading "United and self-organized, we'll show THEM the 'crisis'!", with comrades from the anarchist collective Hipátia. We handed out leaflets and read them with a loudspeaker at different places, calling people to the streets and to the central square, where a meeting organized by the official unions would take place in the afternoon. We also shouted slogans like "No cuts at social and labour rights!", "Against hunger and poverty, cut on the wealthy!", "To change the flies isn't enough, we must clean all the shit!", "Against the State and Capital - Social Resistance and Social Revolution!". People received our leaflets with curiosity, but most of them stayed at home and didn't join us.
In the afternoon, with a larger group, we went beside the São Bento railway station. Meantime, the official unions were having a press conference nearby. We began to sing some songs, like a Portuguese version of the old CNT song "A la Huelga" ("To the Strike"), "The International" and others, stopping to read some articles from our special General Strike bulletin and speaking about the need to self-organize against the bosses, the State and the "crisis". More people joined us and, afterwards, we went to the city's central square, Praça da Liberdade, were we continued reading our anarcho-sindycalist propaganda and singing, being joined by the people there.
We noticed that most people approaching us were either Communist Party members or sympathizers but they seemed curious about us and even demonstrated some sympathy. So, we decided to make a little popular assembly there, inviting everyone to use the loudspeaker and talk about their reasons to be revolted against the current situation and join the General Strike. Then, some people, that we assumed to be Communist Party members, started using their own loudspeaker, but we established a funny dialog with them, a kind of "theatre of the oppressed". They became a bit confused and left the place.
All that time, we didn't see any cops or "official" unionists at this place. Even the expected usual demonstration didn't take place. Surely, this was not a real General Strike, but it was an obvious demonstration of distrust in the government, State, bosses and managers to deal with the "crisis" they insist on making us pay for.
Associação Internacional dos Trabalhadores,
Secção Portuguesa – AIT-SP
Lisbon, December 14, 2010
Twenty Five Emergency. FREEDOM TO ALL HOSTAGES
Nationwide report from the General Strike in Greece, December 15th 2010
No doubt remains, not even for the most naive, that the State – in close cooperation with all its supporters and mechanisms – has decided to wage a full-scale war against society. They are afraid of the natural social rage, that expressed so far, but also the rage to come. The repressive role of the State, as expressed through the murderous mechanism of the Greek Police – and not only them – has now began to spread its tentacles, in an attempt to spread and repress any generalized outbreak in the future. Fascists, undercover cops, peace-loving citizens, obedient householders and other social dregs have been recruited to act like a natural extension of this murderous formation.
It is a fact that it should concern us all, something that was happening before, but is now fully-fledged, in the most indiscriminate, naked and shameless way. It happens right before our very own eyes!
Athens: In a city full of police officers of all kinds in every corner, sample of the transparent effort to terrorize people and to present the city as an inaccessible place, controlled by them. Nevertheless Since the early morning of December 15th, huge numbers of people started to flock to the pre-gathering points in the center of Athens. Every part of Patission Avenue, from Areos’ Field to Omonia Square, was full of people, while the sidewalks were becoming increasingly crowded too. It may not be of great value to talk about exact numbers, but some rough estimates talk of about 200.000 people, a number that can only compare to the seminal May 5th General Strike. Before the demonstration started, there where at least three cases in which undercover cops were expelled from the demonstration after the dynamic intervention of comrades. In one case, they attempted to arrest four comrades who were heading to the gathering point with spears and banners, but the forceful intervention of 50-60 people stopped them from doing so.
The demo started in a passionate manner, with slogans vibrating the center of the city. A sample of the size of the demo is that when the first blocks were close to Syntagma square, the latest were still in Patission Avenue. During the march, and before this arrived at Syntagma, slogans were written, paints were thrown at governmental buildings, while it became clear that the spirit and the choice of the demonstrators wasn’t to attack during the march, but to give their battle outside the Parliament, with lots of people properly prepared (masks, malox and various self-protection materials), a fact strongly reflecting the confrontational mood of a fairly large part of the demo.
The clashes began when the main part of the demo arrived at Syntagma square. Large numbers of the demonstrators attacked the patrons of the local ruling class and Capital. For a long period of time, explosions could be heard throughout the area around Syntagma square. There were attacks with molotov cocktails, stones, dynamite, fire extinguishers, etc. against several squads around Syntagma, while in many cases there were melee collisions with the MAT forces (riot police) and the thugs of the DIAS motorcycle police force. The MAT forces responded with tear gas and flash-bang grenades, in this way achieving to cut the demo in various parts and locations – yet in so doing, they spread the conflicts that were now extended in various areas of the city center.
A large part of the demo was directed to Propylaea, attacking the MAT forces, banks and luxury cars, while riot police and undercover cops violated (once more) the university asylum, making arrests. At the same time, a large number of protesters that had been cut from the demo because of the cops’ attacks, were attacking the riot squads up to Dionysiou Areopagitou Street, where in one of them the protesters managed to repel the cops and set on fire a police paddy-wagon. At various parts of the center, people successfully faced the brutal raids of the police while at Alexandra Avenue sub-humans of DIAS motorcycle police force were beaten by angry demonstrators that burned both their bikes.
Meanwhile, demonstrators attacked the former minister of the conservative New Democracy government Hatzidakis, who escaped thanks to the intervention of his henchmen that accompany him at all times (photo).
All these were taking place while several blocks of the demo had not yet reached Syntagma square. The attacks of the MAT forces were indiscriminate and violent, beating badly unsuspected passers-by and everyone they felt like. At various parts of the center there were vans from which undercover cops were pouring out, hooded and dressed in black.
A spontaneous march by the Primary Unions and the AK (Antiauthoritarian Movement), moved toward the main building of GSEE (General Confederation of Greek Workers) in order to occupy it. There were melee clashes with the police, however the police’s superiority in numbers managed to deter them. Some cops didn’t hesitate to pull their guns.Clashes continued around the Polytechnic School for several hours, while scores of people remained inside it, not able to leave since they were trapped there by riot police (MAT) forces.
Behind the University of Economics and around the Polytechnic school in Athens there were scattered clashes with cops in the street and barricades, as well down other streets of Exarchia, with people playing cat and mouse with the police after the end of the main demo. There were reports that the neighborhood of Exarchia has been completely militarized and that the police were stopping people there, arresting them, and harassing whoever they found on the street. One caller to the 98 anarchist radio station reported witnessing the police stop two people walking down the street in Exarchia, and beat them badly before arresting them. Ten people have been arrested in Victoria square, with reports of other sporadic arrests around the center of Athens throughout the day.
Fresh attacks by MAT caused multiple injuries to demonstrators. Rumors circulated concerning an attempt to violate the university asylum, something that did not eventually happen.
updated: There are 23 people detained, of which 10 have been arrested and charged.
***
In provincial cities there was some powerful atmosphere too, with most people expressing their anger against the corrupt syndicalists and state partner unions. In some cities there were clashes between cops and protesters, while in most there were scores of cops and especially undercovers. P.A.M.E (the syndicalist union of Greek “Communist” Party) organized separate demos in each city, separating itself from the people’s wrath.
Thessaloniki: Massive demonstration by more than 10,000 workers, unemployed, students, grassroot unions, leftists, anarchists and angry people in general! A large part of demonstrators marched from the gathering point of Kamara toward the Labor Center where there was gathering point and speech by the corrupted unions of GSEE (General Confederation of Greek Workers) and others. Anarchists shouted slogans against these unions,water was thrown to the speakers-representatives, mics and speakers were disconnected, and demonstrators called for a “wild strike”. Along the route of this “intervention demo” texts were distributed to store workers that were not on strike – their bosses had threatened some with dismissal should they strike.
During the powerful demonstration that started at around 11a.m. ATMs, banks, large chain stores, post offices, McDonalds restaurants and bank CCTV cameras were smashed while goods from a supermarket and a patisserie were expropriated. When the demonstration arrived at the former ministry of Macedonia-Thrace (and still the region’s main administrative building), cops came out and attacked the demo using tear gas and flash bang grenades with no provocation from the side of the protesters. The demo continued in several pieces while riot cops and undercovers detained around 20 people from the demo’s body but also from building entrances, using an unmarked van. Two or three of those detained were injured were in need of hospital treatment and so the cops turned their detentions into arrests in order to justify the injuries… their usual tactic.
Patras: More than 4,000 people marched through the streets of Patras in massive student, grassroot union, leftist and anarchist blocks. There were attacks with stones and molotov cocktails against the local Courthouse, several banks and a police van. A march of a similar size was also organized by P.A.M.E. (the syndicalist union of Greek Communist Party).Heraklion (Crete): Massive demonstration in the morning with around 2000 people; various grassroot unions, unemployed, immigrants, leftists, anarchists etc. Some leftists blocked the speeches of the Labor Center’s president and other corrupt labour representatives. During the demo ATMs, bank CCTV cameras and windows were smashed, slogans against the corrupted unions were shouted and written on walls while cops and undercovers followed the demo, without any clashes. In the afternoon an anarchist march was also held in the city’s neighborhoods.
Chania (Crete): Around 1,500 people marched in the city. Blocks of workers, unemployed, students, anarchists and leftist groups but also a block of immigrants that had managed to go on strike participated in the demo. During the demo, slogans were written on the walls, leaflets were thrown and some superstores were sabotaged by throwing “smelly capsules” inside. Demonstrators verbally attacked the local puppet-syndicalists, just like in other cities.
Volos: Very massive demo of about 2,500 people. Before the march begun, speeches of local parties representatives and corrupted syndicalist were blocked. Symbolic attacks against banks and the Prefecture building.
Xanthi: One of the most massive demonstrations the city has seen. 1,500 people marched downtown, slogans were written on walls and paint was thrown at banks.
Ioannina: Powerful demo of about 2000 people with awesome pulse and numerous slogans in the city center. Agricultural tractors also joined in the demonstration.
Similar demonstrations/marches by hundreds of people were held in many other cities and islands of Greece, such as Kavala, Veria, Aigio, Zakynthos, Larissa, Corfu, Lesvos, Naxos, Rethymnon, Serres, and Sparta.
No doubt remains, not even for the most naive, that the State – in close cooperation with all its supporters and mechanisms – has decided to wage a full-scale war against society. They are afraid of the natural social rage, that expressed so far, but also the rage to come. The repressive role of the State, as expressed through the murderous mechanism of the Greek Police – and not only them – has now began to spread its tentacles, in an attempt to spread and repress any generalized outbreak in the future. Fascists, undercover cops, peace-loving citizens, obedient householders and other social dregs have been recruited to act like a natural extension of this murderous formation.
It is a fact that it should concern us all, something that was happening before, but is now fully-fledged, in the most indiscriminate, naked and shameless way. It happens right before our very own eyes!
Athens: In a city full of police officers of all kinds in every corner, sample of the transparent effort to terrorize people and to present the city as an inaccessible place, controlled by them. Nevertheless Since the early morning of December 15th, huge numbers of people started to flock to the pre-gathering points in the center of Athens. Every part of Patission Avenue, from Areos’ Field to Omonia Square, was full of people, while the sidewalks were becoming increasingly crowded too. It may not be of great value to talk about exact numbers, but some rough estimates talk of about 200.000 people, a number that can only compare to the seminal May 5th General Strike. Before the demonstration started, there where at least three cases in which undercover cops were expelled from the demonstration after the dynamic intervention of comrades. In one case, they attempted to arrest four comrades who were heading to the gathering point with spears and banners, but the forceful intervention of 50-60 people stopped them from doing so.
The demo started in a passionate manner, with slogans vibrating the center of the city. A sample of the size of the demo is that when the first blocks were close to Syntagma square, the latest were still in Patission Avenue. During the march, and before this arrived at Syntagma, slogans were written, paints were thrown at governmental buildings, while it became clear that the spirit and the choice of the demonstrators wasn’t to attack during the march, but to give their battle outside the Parliament, with lots of people properly prepared (masks, malox and various self-protection materials), a fact strongly reflecting the confrontational mood of a fairly large part of the demo.
The clashes began when the main part of the demo arrived at Syntagma square. Large numbers of the demonstrators attacked the patrons of the local ruling class and Capital. For a long period of time, explosions could be heard throughout the area around Syntagma square. There were attacks with molotov cocktails, stones, dynamite, fire extinguishers, etc. against several squads around Syntagma, while in many cases there were melee collisions with the MAT forces (riot police) and the thugs of the DIAS motorcycle police force. The MAT forces responded with tear gas and flash-bang grenades, in this way achieving to cut the demo in various parts and locations – yet in so doing, they spread the conflicts that were now extended in various areas of the city center.
A large part of the demo was directed to Propylaea, attacking the MAT forces, banks and luxury cars, while riot police and undercover cops violated (once more) the university asylum, making arrests. At the same time, a large number of protesters that had been cut from the demo because of the cops’ attacks, were attacking the riot squads up to Dionysiou Areopagitou Street, where in one of them the protesters managed to repel the cops and set on fire a police paddy-wagon. At various parts of the center, people successfully faced the brutal raids of the police while at Alexandra Avenue sub-humans of DIAS motorcycle police force were beaten by angry demonstrators that burned both their bikes.
Meanwhile, demonstrators attacked the former minister of the conservative New Democracy government Hatzidakis, who escaped thanks to the intervention of his henchmen that accompany him at all times (photo).
All these were taking place while several blocks of the demo had not yet reached Syntagma square. The attacks of the MAT forces were indiscriminate and violent, beating badly unsuspected passers-by and everyone they felt like. At various parts of the center there were vans from which undercover cops were pouring out, hooded and dressed in black.
A spontaneous march by the Primary Unions and the AK (Antiauthoritarian Movement), moved toward the main building of GSEE (General Confederation of Greek Workers) in order to occupy it. There were melee clashes with the police, however the police’s superiority in numbers managed to deter them. Some cops didn’t hesitate to pull their guns.Clashes continued around the Polytechnic School for several hours, while scores of people remained inside it, not able to leave since they were trapped there by riot police (MAT) forces.
Behind the University of Economics and around the Polytechnic school in Athens there were scattered clashes with cops in the street and barricades, as well down other streets of Exarchia, with people playing cat and mouse with the police after the end of the main demo. There were reports that the neighborhood of Exarchia has been completely militarized and that the police were stopping people there, arresting them, and harassing whoever they found on the street. One caller to the 98 anarchist radio station reported witnessing the police stop two people walking down the street in Exarchia, and beat them badly before arresting them. Ten people have been arrested in Victoria square, with reports of other sporadic arrests around the center of Athens throughout the day.
Fresh attacks by MAT caused multiple injuries to demonstrators. Rumors circulated concerning an attempt to violate the university asylum, something that did not eventually happen.
updated: There are 23 people detained, of which 10 have been arrested and charged.
***
In provincial cities there was some powerful atmosphere too, with most people expressing their anger against the corrupt syndicalists and state partner unions. In some cities there were clashes between cops and protesters, while in most there were scores of cops and especially undercovers. P.A.M.E (the syndicalist union of Greek “Communist” Party) organized separate demos in each city, separating itself from the people’s wrath.
Thessaloniki: Massive demonstration by more than 10,000 workers, unemployed, students, grassroot unions, leftists, anarchists and angry people in general! A large part of demonstrators marched from the gathering point of Kamara toward the Labor Center where there was gathering point and speech by the corrupted unions of GSEE (General Confederation of Greek Workers) and others. Anarchists shouted slogans against these unions,water was thrown to the speakers-representatives, mics and speakers were disconnected, and demonstrators called for a “wild strike”. Along the route of this “intervention demo” texts were distributed to store workers that were not on strike – their bosses had threatened some with dismissal should they strike.
During the powerful demonstration that started at around 11a.m. ATMs, banks, large chain stores, post offices, McDonalds restaurants and bank CCTV cameras were smashed while goods from a supermarket and a patisserie were expropriated. When the demonstration arrived at the former ministry of Macedonia-Thrace (and still the region’s main administrative building), cops came out and attacked the demo using tear gas and flash bang grenades with no provocation from the side of the protesters. The demo continued in several pieces while riot cops and undercovers detained around 20 people from the demo’s body but also from building entrances, using an unmarked van. Two or three of those detained were injured were in need of hospital treatment and so the cops turned their detentions into arrests in order to justify the injuries… their usual tactic.
Patras: More than 4,000 people marched through the streets of Patras in massive student, grassroot union, leftist and anarchist blocks. There were attacks with stones and molotov cocktails against the local Courthouse, several banks and a police van. A march of a similar size was also organized by P.A.M.E. (the syndicalist union of Greek Communist Party).Heraklion (Crete): Massive demonstration in the morning with around 2000 people; various grassroot unions, unemployed, immigrants, leftists, anarchists etc. Some leftists blocked the speeches of the Labor Center’s president and other corrupt labour representatives. During the demo ATMs, bank CCTV cameras and windows were smashed, slogans against the corrupted unions were shouted and written on walls while cops and undercovers followed the demo, without any clashes. In the afternoon an anarchist march was also held in the city’s neighborhoods.
Chania (Crete): Around 1,500 people marched in the city. Blocks of workers, unemployed, students, anarchists and leftist groups but also a block of immigrants that had managed to go on strike participated in the demo. During the demo, slogans were written on the walls, leaflets were thrown and some superstores were sabotaged by throwing “smelly capsules” inside. Demonstrators verbally attacked the local puppet-syndicalists, just like in other cities.
Volos: Very massive demo of about 2,500 people. Before the march begun, speeches of local parties representatives and corrupted syndicalist were blocked. Symbolic attacks against banks and the Prefecture building.
Xanthi: One of the most massive demonstrations the city has seen. 1,500 people marched downtown, slogans were written on walls and paint was thrown at banks.
Ioannina: Powerful demo of about 2000 people with awesome pulse and numerous slogans in the city center. Agricultural tractors also joined in the demonstration.
Similar demonstrations/marches by hundreds of people were held in many other cities and islands of Greece, such as Kavala, Veria, Aigio, Zakynthos, Larissa, Corfu, Lesvos, Naxos, Rethymnon, Serres, and Sparta.
Twenty Four Emergency
A letter I translated as best I could yesterday. The original greek and my translation below it.
1.
Το πλήθος μεγάλο. Οχι τόσο μεγάλο όσο της 5.5.2010, αλλά πολύ μεγάλος αριθμός, ίσως και πάνω από 40 χιλιάδες.
Η διάθεση: όχι η οργή του Μαΐου. Πιο παγωμένα και σκληρά τα πρόσωπα, εμφανώς λιγότερη αθωότητα.
2.
Τακτική της Αστυνομίας. Δακρυγόνα και άλλα χημικά πάνω στο σώμα των μπλοκ διαδηλωτών, ιδίως στην πλατεία Συντάγματος, από τα ξενοδοχεία έως όλη την αρχή της Πανεπιστημίου. Τα χημικά σπάνε τη συνέχεια της πορείας. Τα μπλοκ, ιδίως όσα δεν έχουν σφιχτή οργάνωση, με αλυσίδες, πανώ, αλληλοαναγνώριση κ.λπ., σπάνε και οι διαδηλωτές σκορπάνε πανικόβλητοι μόλις πέσουν βομβίδες χημικών γύρω τους, διότι η κατάσταση για αναπνευστικό και μάτια γίνεται αφόρητη. Στριμωγμένοι σε τοίχους και κάγκελα κινδυνεύουν να ποδοπατηθούν.
3.
Τακτική της Αστυνομίας. Πολυπληθείς ομάδες ασφαλιτών undercover (slideshow άνω, Σίνα & Ακαδημίας), με μαύρα ρούχα, μπουφάν, κουκούλες και μάσκες, ξύλα, κινούνται μέσα στα μπλοκ και μέσα στους σκόρπιους διαδηλωτές που τρέχουν κυνηγημένοι από χημικά και ΜΑΤ. Ξαφνικά αρχίζουν συλλήψεις. Οταν δεν κινούνται μέσα στους διαδηλωτές, καλύπτονται πίσω από διμοιρίες ΜΑΤ, ή κινούνται ανά αραιές άτυπες ομάδες ανάμεσα σε σκόρπιους διαδηλωτές και αποχωρούντες.
Είναι, ως επί το πλείστον νεαράς ηλικίας, 20-30 ετών, μερικοί μοιάζουν με λαϊκά στοιχεία και χούλιγκαν, ανάμεσά τους υπάρχουν και κοπέλες. Φοβούνται πολύ την αποκοπή από τους υπόλοιπους της αγέλης και την απώλεια κάλυψης από ΜΑΤ.
4.
Η ρητορική στα γκράφιτι και τις αφίσες (slideshow) έχει αλλάξει πολύ, από τον Δεκέμβρη του 08 και τον Μάιο του 10. Ο ρομαντισμός και ο αιχμηρός ελιτισμός των αντεξουσιαστών έχει μεταλλαγεί σε γυμνό, ευθύ, ταξικό, αντικαπιταλιστικό και αντικυβερνητικό λόγο.
Μιλούν πλέον για “Χούντα του ΓΑΠ” και καταφέρονται εναντίον και της κυβέρνησης συγκεκριμένα, και όχι αορίστως εναντίον του συστήματος. Στόχος είναι το κεφάλαιο, το ΔΝΤ, η τρόικα, η κυβέρνηση, όχι αορίστως το αλωμένο φαντασιακό.
Οι αναρχοαυτόνομοι φαίνεται να εγκαταλείπουν τον κόσμο της επιθυμίας και στρέφονται στον κόσμο της ανάγκης: υπερασπίζονται ευθέως τον κόσμο της εργασίας.
Οι μπάχαλοι έχουν μειωθεί αισθητά.
Αμυνα ή ωρίμανση;
5.
Ο βουλευτής Κ. Χατζηδάκης φαίνεται να υπέστη επίθεση από μεσήλικους διαδηλωτές, προφανώς εργαζόμενους ή άνεργους, και όχι από νεαρούς μπάχαλους. Αυτό είναι ένα νέο στοιχείο επίσης. Οι εκδηλώσεις βίας με στόχο πολιτικούς δεν προέρχονται πλέον από τους συνήθεις ύποπτους, αλλά από μεσήλικους λαϊκών στρωμάτων.
6.
Πολλοί ανένταχτοι διαδηλωτές παραμένουν στους δρόμους πολλή ώρα μετά τη διάλυση της πορείας, αντιμετωπίζουν τα ΜΑΤ και τους μασκοφόρους ασφαλίτες φραστικά, προσπαθούν να αποτρέψουν συλλήψεις του σωρού. Φωνάζουν “Ντροπή σας”, “Χούντα”, “Είστε ντροπή για τη δημοκρατία” “Δέρνετε ανέργους”, “Είμαστε γονείς σας”!
Διάχυτη σε όλες τις συναθροίσεις η αντίληψη ότι η δημοκρατία μπαίνει σε γύψο. Ευρύτατοι και πυκνοί οι παραλληλισμοί με τη χούντα.
7.
Οι διαδηλωτές στερούνται οργάνωσης, ηγεσίας, στόχων, περιφρούρησης, αυτοάμυνας. Είναι εύκολο να ποδοπατηθούν και να τραυματισθούν ανά πάσα στιγμή. Με την ανεξέλεγκτη χρήση χημικών και εκατοντάδες μασκοφόρους ασφαλίτες μέσα στις πορείες, επιχειρείται να αποτραπεί η συμμετοχή σε διαδηλώσεις: είναι επικίνδυνες, ακόμη και για τους ειρηνικούς συμμετέχοντες.
Τα νομοθετικά σοκ συνοδεύονται από σοκ προπαγάνδας και σοκ σωματικής απειλής.
A large crowd. Not so big as 5.5.2010, but a very large number, perhaps more than 40 000. The mood: not the wrath of May. The faces colder and harder, obviously less innocence. Police tactics. Tear gas and other chemicals on the body of the bloc demonstrators, especially in Syntagma Square, from hotels to (all) University authorities. The chemicals break the continuity of the course. The blocs, especially those that do not have tight organization, with chains, banners, mutual recognition, etc. break and the protestors scatter panic striken as soon as chemical grenades drop around them because the situation for breathing and seeing become unbearable. Crammed into the walls and railings they risk being trampled. Police tactics. . Numerous undercovers (slideshow above, Sina & Academy), with black clothes, jackets, hoods and masks, wood, move within blocs and within them scattered protesters run chased by chemical and riot police. Arrests begin suddenly. When not moving through the protesters, they take cover behind riot police or move around sparse informal groups scattered between demonstrators and departing. It is mostly the young, 20-30 years old, some look like regular folks and hooligans, and among them are girls. They are scared off by the rest of the herd and the loss of coverage by riot police. The rhetoric in graffiti and posters (slideshow) has changed much, from December 1908 and May 10. The romanticism and the pointed elitism of the antiauthoritarians has morphed into naked, straightforward, class, anti-capitalist and anti-government voice. They speak about "Junta of G.A.P (Georgios Andrea Papandreou)” and object against the government specifically, and not vaguely against the system. The target is the capital, the IMF, the troika, the government, not the imaginary/abstract. The anarchoautonymous it seems are leaveing the world of desire and turning to the world of emergency: directly defending the world of work. The riot has been reduced considerably. Defense or maturation? The MP, Mr. Hatzidakis it seems was attacked by middle-aged protesters, apparently employed or unemployed, and not the young and not screwed up. This is a new element as well. The events of violence aimed at politicians do not come more than the usual suspects, but by middle-aged working class. Many faction-less demonstrators remain in the streets a long time after the dissolving of “course”, facing the riot police and masked cops, verbally, try to prevent arrests of the people-heap. They shout "Shame on you", "Junta", "You are a disgrace to democracy" You beat the unemployed "," We are your parents! Diffusing to all gathered the perception that democracy is put in a plaster cast. Wide and dense parallels with the junta. The protesters deny organization, leadership, goals, protection, self-defense. It's easy to be trampled and injured at any time. With the rampant use of chemicals and hundreds of masked cops in the course, they attempt to avoid participating in demonstrations; it is dangerous, even for peaceful participants. The laws are accompanied by shock propaganda and physical threats.
1.
Το πλήθος μεγάλο. Οχι τόσο μεγάλο όσο της 5.5.2010, αλλά πολύ μεγάλος αριθμός, ίσως και πάνω από 40 χιλιάδες.
Η διάθεση: όχι η οργή του Μαΐου. Πιο παγωμένα και σκληρά τα πρόσωπα, εμφανώς λιγότερη αθωότητα.
2.
Τακτική της Αστυνομίας. Δακρυγόνα και άλλα χημικά πάνω στο σώμα των μπλοκ διαδηλωτών, ιδίως στην πλατεία Συντάγματος, από τα ξενοδοχεία έως όλη την αρχή της Πανεπιστημίου. Τα χημικά σπάνε τη συνέχεια της πορείας. Τα μπλοκ, ιδίως όσα δεν έχουν σφιχτή οργάνωση, με αλυσίδες, πανώ, αλληλοαναγνώριση κ.λπ., σπάνε και οι διαδηλωτές σκορπάνε πανικόβλητοι μόλις πέσουν βομβίδες χημικών γύρω τους, διότι η κατάσταση για αναπνευστικό και μάτια γίνεται αφόρητη. Στριμωγμένοι σε τοίχους και κάγκελα κινδυνεύουν να ποδοπατηθούν.
3.
Τακτική της Αστυνομίας. Πολυπληθείς ομάδες ασφαλιτών undercover (slideshow άνω, Σίνα & Ακαδημίας), με μαύρα ρούχα, μπουφάν, κουκούλες και μάσκες, ξύλα, κινούνται μέσα στα μπλοκ και μέσα στους σκόρπιους διαδηλωτές που τρέχουν κυνηγημένοι από χημικά και ΜΑΤ. Ξαφνικά αρχίζουν συλλήψεις. Οταν δεν κινούνται μέσα στους διαδηλωτές, καλύπτονται πίσω από διμοιρίες ΜΑΤ, ή κινούνται ανά αραιές άτυπες ομάδες ανάμεσα σε σκόρπιους διαδηλωτές και αποχωρούντες.
Είναι, ως επί το πλείστον νεαράς ηλικίας, 20-30 ετών, μερικοί μοιάζουν με λαϊκά στοιχεία και χούλιγκαν, ανάμεσά τους υπάρχουν και κοπέλες. Φοβούνται πολύ την αποκοπή από τους υπόλοιπους της αγέλης και την απώλεια κάλυψης από ΜΑΤ.
4.
Η ρητορική στα γκράφιτι και τις αφίσες (slideshow) έχει αλλάξει πολύ, από τον Δεκέμβρη του 08 και τον Μάιο του 10. Ο ρομαντισμός και ο αιχμηρός ελιτισμός των αντεξουσιαστών έχει μεταλλαγεί σε γυμνό, ευθύ, ταξικό, αντικαπιταλιστικό και αντικυβερνητικό λόγο.
Μιλούν πλέον για “Χούντα του ΓΑΠ” και καταφέρονται εναντίον και της κυβέρνησης συγκεκριμένα, και όχι αορίστως εναντίον του συστήματος. Στόχος είναι το κεφάλαιο, το ΔΝΤ, η τρόικα, η κυβέρνηση, όχι αορίστως το αλωμένο φαντασιακό.
Οι αναρχοαυτόνομοι φαίνεται να εγκαταλείπουν τον κόσμο της επιθυμίας και στρέφονται στον κόσμο της ανάγκης: υπερασπίζονται ευθέως τον κόσμο της εργασίας.
Οι μπάχαλοι έχουν μειωθεί αισθητά.
Αμυνα ή ωρίμανση;
5.
Ο βουλευτής Κ. Χατζηδάκης φαίνεται να υπέστη επίθεση από μεσήλικους διαδηλωτές, προφανώς εργαζόμενους ή άνεργους, και όχι από νεαρούς μπάχαλους. Αυτό είναι ένα νέο στοιχείο επίσης. Οι εκδηλώσεις βίας με στόχο πολιτικούς δεν προέρχονται πλέον από τους συνήθεις ύποπτους, αλλά από μεσήλικους λαϊκών στρωμάτων.
6.
Πολλοί ανένταχτοι διαδηλωτές παραμένουν στους δρόμους πολλή ώρα μετά τη διάλυση της πορείας, αντιμετωπίζουν τα ΜΑΤ και τους μασκοφόρους ασφαλίτες φραστικά, προσπαθούν να αποτρέψουν συλλήψεις του σωρού. Φωνάζουν “Ντροπή σας”, “Χούντα”, “Είστε ντροπή για τη δημοκρατία” “Δέρνετε ανέργους”, “Είμαστε γονείς σας”!
Διάχυτη σε όλες τις συναθροίσεις η αντίληψη ότι η δημοκρατία μπαίνει σε γύψο. Ευρύτατοι και πυκνοί οι παραλληλισμοί με τη χούντα.
7.
Οι διαδηλωτές στερούνται οργάνωσης, ηγεσίας, στόχων, περιφρούρησης, αυτοάμυνας. Είναι εύκολο να ποδοπατηθούν και να τραυματισθούν ανά πάσα στιγμή. Με την ανεξέλεγκτη χρήση χημικών και εκατοντάδες μασκοφόρους ασφαλίτες μέσα στις πορείες, επιχειρείται να αποτραπεί η συμμετοχή σε διαδηλώσεις: είναι επικίνδυνες, ακόμη και για τους ειρηνικούς συμμετέχοντες.
Τα νομοθετικά σοκ συνοδεύονται από σοκ προπαγάνδας και σοκ σωματικής απειλής.
A large crowd. Not so big as 5.5.2010, but a very large number, perhaps more than 40 000. The mood: not the wrath of May. The faces colder and harder, obviously less innocence. Police tactics. Tear gas and other chemicals on the body of the bloc demonstrators, especially in Syntagma Square, from hotels to (all) University authorities. The chemicals break the continuity of the course. The blocs, especially those that do not have tight organization, with chains, banners, mutual recognition, etc. break and the protestors scatter panic striken as soon as chemical grenades drop around them because the situation for breathing and seeing become unbearable. Crammed into the walls and railings they risk being trampled. Police tactics. . Numerous undercovers (slideshow above, Sina & Academy), with black clothes, jackets, hoods and masks, wood, move within blocs and within them scattered protesters run chased by chemical and riot police. Arrests begin suddenly. When not moving through the protesters, they take cover behind riot police or move around sparse informal groups scattered between demonstrators and departing. It is mostly the young, 20-30 years old, some look like regular folks and hooligans, and among them are girls. They are scared off by the rest of the herd and the loss of coverage by riot police. The rhetoric in graffiti and posters (slideshow) has changed much, from December 1908 and May 10. The romanticism and the pointed elitism of the antiauthoritarians has morphed into naked, straightforward, class, anti-capitalist and anti-government voice. They speak about "Junta of G.A.P (Georgios Andrea Papandreou)” and object against the government specifically, and not vaguely against the system. The target is the capital, the IMF, the troika, the government, not the imaginary/abstract. The anarchoautonymous it seems are leaveing the world of desire and turning to the world of emergency: directly defending the world of work. The riot has been reduced considerably. Defense or maturation? The MP, Mr. Hatzidakis it seems was attacked by middle-aged protesters, apparently employed or unemployed, and not the young and not screwed up. This is a new element as well. The events of violence aimed at politicians do not come more than the usual suspects, but by middle-aged working class. Many faction-less demonstrators remain in the streets a long time after the dissolving of “course”, facing the riot police and masked cops, verbally, try to prevent arrests of the people-heap. They shout "Shame on you", "Junta", "You are a disgrace to democracy" You beat the unemployed "," We are your parents! Diffusing to all gathered the perception that democracy is put in a plaster cast. Wide and dense parallels with the junta. The protesters deny organization, leadership, goals, protection, self-defense. It's easy to be trampled and injured at any time. With the rampant use of chemicals and hundreds of masked cops in the course, they attempt to avoid participating in demonstrations; it is dangerous, even for peaceful participants. The laws are accompanied by shock propaganda and physical threats.
Twenty Three: Emergency
I have not posted in months. I apologize again. Truth be told, writing for one or two people and lacking the confidence that anyone, save a handful of people will read your words that you sweated and struggled over is disheartening to say the least. But during the last few days I've found I need a way to say many things and Facebook isn't cutting the mustard. I post links but I've gotten few responses. I will post various things if I feel like it, but you'll have to make do with what I'm feeling and if that's politics and/or religion so be it. Whoever said I don't talk about politics and religion, well, I'd like to find that moron and smack them in the head for what I think are obvious reasons.
As you may well know, everywhere in the world, there rise low perceptible growls, in some places they're roars. In the US, for the most part, the populous is looking around saying, "WELL, WHAT WONDERFUL SAND SURROUNDS MY HEAD".
I will post as often as i can again. I'm not making any promises. I will give it my best shot. If you can't bear politics, try it, you might learn something, if not about politics then about yourself.
So I start today with a joke I read.
Two economists meet. One says to the other: "do you know what's going on? the other says, let me explain, i can explain it to you. no no says the first explaining is no problem im an economist too. I'm just asking do you can understand it?
As you may well know, everywhere in the world, there rise low perceptible growls, in some places they're roars. In the US, for the most part, the populous is looking around saying, "WELL, WHAT WONDERFUL SAND SURROUNDS MY HEAD".
I will post as often as i can again. I'm not making any promises. I will give it my best shot. If you can't bear politics, try it, you might learn something, if not about politics then about yourself.
So I start today with a joke I read.
Two economists meet. One says to the other: "do you know what's going on? the other says, let me explain, i can explain it to you. no no says the first explaining is no problem im an economist too. I'm just asking do you can understand it?
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